EU Parliament Vote on Methane Emissions is Key Climate Opportunity
A European Parliament vote by the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) and the Committee on Environment, Public Health[…]
Read moreDedicated To People, The Planet, and All Its Inhabitants – Since 1996
A European Parliament vote by the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) and the Committee on Environment, Public Health[…]
Read moreDepartment of the Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke placed on hold until January of 2019 a suite of protections issued by[…]
Read moreThe survey showed that voters, by a margin of more than five to one, oppose allowing American trophy hunters to import into the United States the parts of elephants and lions they kill in Africa. Photo by Alamy
We have no better evidence of the non-partisan nature of animal protection than new data from a national poll, released this week by The HSUS, that shows deep and widespread opposition to trophy hunting, including strong disapproval of allowing imports of sport-hunted elephant and lion trophies from several African nations. The survey showed that voters, . . .
The post Survey of American electorate reveals overwhelming opposition to trophy hunting appeared first on A Humane Nation.
WWF is calling for member governments of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to agree to end the environmental harm and trade distortions caused by fisheries subsidies. Fisheries subsidies is one of the key issues up for negotiation during the 11th Mini…
Read moreMEXICO CITY – On behalf of the Organic Consumers Association (OCA) and its Mexico City-based affiliate, Asociación de Consumidores Orgánicos, OCA International Director Ronnie Cummins issued the following statement today on the decision by Mexico’s agriculture sanitation authority (SENASICA) to revoke Monsanto’s permits to commercialize genetically modified soy in seven states, and a recent court ruling upholding a ban on the commercial growing GMO corn in Mexico:
“We are encouraged by these two decisions which reflect a growing trend in Mexico among government and court authorities of responding to the public’s demand to preserve Mexico’s hundreds of native corn varieties and rich biodiversity, and to reject Monsanto’s degenerative agricultural model that produces pesticide-contaminated food, pollutes waterways and soils and contributes to global warming.”
Target has joined other retailers on the right path to developing a robust science-based policy for tackling greenhouse gas emissions in its operations and supply chain, creating more momentum toward action on climate by leading companies.
At COP23 in Bonn, Germany, we heard leaders at some of the world’s largest companies share their commitments to step forward on climate issues. This year we’ve also seen American companies like Mars Inc., Walmart, Hewlett Packard Enterprise and Amazon set ambitious goals during a time when our government is stepping back. At EDF+Business, we see time and time again why our world needs healthy environments and healthy businesses in order to truly prosper.
For example, recently Target announced a new climate policy and goals with the following highlights:
Brian Cornell, Target’s chairman and CEO, links the recent announcement to long-term goals for the company and its vision for a sustainable future:
“Target has long been committed to making our business more sustainable, which leads to a stronger, cleaner supply chain and operations, and a healthier environment for our team members and guests,” stated Cornell. “That’s why we’re setting goals to reduce our greenhouse gas footprint, and working with our industry partners, policymakers and other stakeholders to accelerate the transition to a low-carbon economy.”
Target’s announcement follows a trend we saw in a recent report by the CDP – the world’s largest annual tracker of company responses to climate change – indicating that Target is far from alone in its commitments. CDP’s sample of companies, which together represent 12 percent of global emissions, showed that almost 90 percent have already set some kind of carbon reduction target. Better yet, the number of companies with a renewable energy production target rose 36 percent, to 75 companies, from last year.
For companies looking to make these commitments, EDF and organizations like the Science-Based Target initiative (SBTi) encourage companies to develop a detailed inventory of emissions, including Scope 3 emissions from their supply chains, and then set a “science-based” target in line with the goals of the Paris Climate Agreement.
.@Target has joined other retailers on the right path to developing a robust science-based policy…
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Target’s policy follows this guidance and is another critical step in the path of retail leadership on climate. They are following in the footsteps of Walmart, who set a science-based commitment a year ago. Let’s pause and acknowledge what a big deal it is that retailers are committing to reduce their own emissions directly and are taking responsibility for reducing emissions from their products and supply chains. This is a sea change from 10 years ago.
In addition to the action by Target and Walmart, CVS has committed to setting science-based goals for Scope 1, 2 and 3 emissions in line with what the science tells us needs to be done to address climate change. These leaders are putting a stake in the ground for forward-progress. At EDF, we are especially excited to hear Target CEO Brian Cornell’s commitment to working on policy to drive a low-carbon economy. This is especially needed right now when U.S. leadership in Washington is trying to take us backwards.
While EDF would like to see more specifics about the projects and programs that Target is expecting to implement to achieve their goals – especially in their supply chain – we are pleased to hear that they are working with WWF to define this.
Having worked closely over the past 25 years with companies on their sustainability strategies, EDF has found that focusing on a few key areas along the supply chain can make the greatest impact. From greening the agricultural supply chain to helping suppliers reduce factory energy use, we are working with retailers to stock their shelves with more sustainable products.
Lastly, EDF encourages Target to continue being a leader in transparency through public disclosure of its progress towards its climate goals and to work collaboratively with key stakeholders to develop and use common reporting frameworks to track product sustainability through partnerships such as The Sustainability Consortium.
All of these efforts are needed to ensure growth and resilience of business and contribute to making products safer and more sustainable – for everyone.
To learn more about how companies can green their supply chain, visit EDF’s Supply Chain Solutions Center. Be sure to look out for our “Trends in Sustainability Leadership” blog series where we interview corporate leaders, such as Stewart Leeth, vice president of regulatory affairs and chief sustainability officer for Smithfield Foods, Inc. and Linda Fisher, former DuPont chief sustainability officer who can speak to the business benefits of sustainability initiatives.
Follow Elizabeth on Twitter, @esturcken.
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Read moreAmericans imported the equivalent of at least 5,575 leopards between 2005 and 2014, nearly half of the global trade in leopard trophies during that period. Photo by Alamy
While we eagerly await President Trump’s follow-up on his decision to suspend imports of elephant and lion trophies from Zimbabwe and Zambia, we hope he takes a broad look at the trophy hunting of other threatened and endangered species and stops all imports of the animals for their heads, tusks, and other body parts. More . . .
The post U.S. should change its spots on trophy hunting of leopards appeared first on A Humane Nation.
Richard Denison, Ph.D., is a Lead Senior Scientist.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is in the process of making some major changes to its policies and practices governing new chemical reviews. This post discusses one of the most troubling ones.
The SNUR-only approach EPA is now deploying differs dramatically from and provides far less risk protection than would result from it simply doing what the law requires: using orders, with SNURs as backup.
As I have previously described, last year’s Lautenberg Act made extensive changes to section 5 of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), which governs the review of new chemicals prior to their manufacture and use. Among these changes is a requirement that EPA must evaluate potential risks, and mitigate potential unreasonable risks, of a new chemical under its “conditions of use,” which the new law defines to include “reasonably foreseen” circumstances of production, processing, distribution, use or disposal, as well as those intended by the company submitting notice of the new chemical to EPA. If EPA identifies potential risk or significant exposure or lacks sufficient information on a new chemical, it must issue an order prohibiting or limiting the conditions of use of the chemical in order to mitigate any unreasonable risk.
After passage of the Lautenberg Act until recently, and in keeping with the new law, if EPA’s review identified risk concerns relating to conditions of use beyond those strictly identified by a company submitting a new chemical notice to EPA, the agency made a “may present an unreasonable risk” finding and pursued development of a consent order with the company sufficient to ameliorate those concerns. (While EPA has authority to issue unilateral orders, it typically negotiates with the company to arrive at a consent order that both parties sign.)
Now EPA is indicating it will instead make a “not likely to present an unreasonable risk” finding for the intended conditions of use, and says it can address any concerns over reasonably foreseen uses without issuing an order by developing only a significant new use rule (SNUR). This “SNUR-only approach” is inconsistent with the law, a matter I won’t discuss further here. However, it also raises a host of policy concerns, some of which I lay out in this post.
The SNUR-only approach EPA is now deploying differs dramatically from and provides far less risk protection than would result from it simply doing what the law requires: using orders, with SNURs as backup.
There are ample reasons why Congress called on EPA to use orders to address concerns and then use SNURs as backup: Orders (including consent orders) and SNURs are not created equal. This post discusses 12 key differences, with respect to:
(Spoiler alert: Deep dive ahead. Let me apologize to and warn readers in advance that this post gets rather into the weeds, as the issues are complicated and the details are important.)
Legal requirements available in a consent order vs. a SNUR
Given that only about 10-15% of PMN submissions include chemical toxicity and/or fate data as part of the submission, EPA is typically making determinations based on insufficient data about the PMN substance, often relying exclusively on analogs. There is no current ability to quantitatively evaluate how predictive an analog is of the PMN substance’s properties; at best EPA can make a qualitative determination. Relying on a SNUR instead of a consent order provides no opportunity either to generate new information or to use that information to reassess EPA’s initial evaluation based on limited information.
In contrast, a consent order includes both actual restrictions to protect against the unreasonable risk and a “reopener” provision: If testing indicates that EPA underestimated the magnitude of the unreasonable risk, then the terms of the consent order allow EPA to modify it to require new restrictions to protect against the unreasonable risk. In the SNUR-only scenario, because there is no testing requirement, EPA will not even be able to learn whether its initial estimate of the risks was accurate.
Scope of risk review under a consent order vs. a SNUR
In contrast, a SNUR-only approach at best defers or evades altogether the risk or related finding requirement with respect to reasonably foreseen uses. This is because a risk or related finding is not required to be made in order for EPA to issue a SNUR, only consideration of certain factors delineated in TSCA section 5(a)(2). A SNUN submitted in response to a SNUR undergoes a review similar to that for a PMN. If EPA chooses to similarly limit that review only to the new intended use(s) identified by the submitter of the SNUN, it may yet again not make a risk finding, an exposure-based finding, or an insufficient information finding, and hence again not issue a consent order imposing binding conditions on that company.
To summarize and bring together the points made above: Under the Lautenberg Act, EPA’s review of a new chemical requires a risk review and risk determination, whereas EPA may issue a SNUR without such a review or determination. Similarly, the terms of an order issued under section 5 of TSCA must meet a specific, protective risk standard: EPA must issue an order that regulates the chemical “to the extent necessary to protect against an unreasonable risk of injury to health or the environment, … including an unreasonable risk to a potentially exposed or susceptible subpopulation.” In contrast, the terms of a SNUR, standing alone, do not need to meet any specific risk standard.
In addition, under its SNUR-only approach, it appears EPA is warping the concepts of intended vs. reasonably foreseen uses. When a PMN is submitted and EPA finds potential risks based on the scenarios in the PMN, EPA apparently now typically works with the company to identify additional conditions to include in the PMN to protect against the risks. In its SNUR-only approach, EPA is de facto redefining the intended uses to be inclusive of the additional PMN conditions, and redefining the intended uses without those additional conditions (i.e., what the submitter originally intended and was in the original PMN) as the reasonably foreseen uses. As previously noted, however, the provisions in a PMN are not legally binding on the submitter; only if codified in a consent order would they be binding.
The result is that EPA will typically make a “may present” finding for intended uses only if there is no feasible way for the company to add conditions to its PMN sufficient to protect against the risk. In other words, EPA and the submitter iterate the process – with EPA effectively serving as a free consultant or coach to the PMN submitter. The process effectively keeps moving the goal posts until a “not likely” finding can be made that avoids EPA ever having to make the initial “may present” finding and issue an order, clearly not what Congress intended. And crucially, even these additional conditions added to the PMN are not binding on the PMN submitter in the absence of an order.
EPA appears intent on further warping Congressional intent by asserting as a new operating principle that it is redefining “reasonably foreseen” to mean “probable,” thereby setting a higher evidentiary bar EPA would have to meet than Congress intended in order to include in its review ways in which a new chemical could reasonably be used after it enters commerce.
In addition, the specific proposed use in the PMN only reflects the knowledge that the PMN submitter has of its market and downstream users at the time of PMN submission, which may be quite limited and not reflect the full range of potential uses and users. If EPA only looks narrowly at the conditions of use in the PMN to make its determination, its review and determination may well not reflect or be representative of the actual conditions of use once the chemical enters commerce. Congress clearly intended for EPA to take a more expansive and prospective approach when reviewing new chemicals under reformed TSCA.
A PMN specifies a company will require its workers to use a respirator with an air protection factor (APF) of 1000. Unless the SNUR triggers notification if a company does not require its workers to use a respirator with the same level of protection, a “risk gap” will result.
A PMN specifies a company will produce 50,000 pounds of a chemical annually. If the SNUR does not set a volume trigger or sets a volume trigger that would allow more than 50,000 pounds of the chemical to be produced annually when aggregated across what could be multiple producers that are each in compliance with the SNUR, a “risk gap” will result.
In such cases, the SNUR-only approach would allow risk in excess of that EPA deemed “not likely” in reviewing the PMN. That excess risk – even though it by definition does not meet the “not likely” bar – will never be reviewed, let alone subjected to conditions, because the SNUR notification requirement will not be triggered.
The only way the SNUR-only approach could seek to prevent any “risk gap” would be to have the SNUR notification triggers so tightly aligned with the PMN specifications as to effectively lock in the conditions specified in the PMN, with any deviation whatsoever triggering notification. Otherwise, EPA will have conducted a new chemical review with an outcome insufficient to address the risks of the chemical’s reasonably foreseen uses, in clear violation of the law.
Requirements for issuing a consent order vs. promulgating a SNUR
EPA’s designation of what constitutes a significant new use applies upon proposal of a SNUR. However, even upon proposal, that significant new use can be engaged in until the SNUR is finalized (assuming it is in fact finalized), at which point such activity must cease, either altogether or pending the outcome of EPA’s review of a subsequently-filed SNUN.
If there is a time gap between a PMN submitter’s commencement of manufacture (which puts the new chemical on the Inventory) and EPA’s proposal of a SNUR for that chemical, it runs the risk that a company (including the PMN submitter) could engage in the significant new use activity about which EPA is concerned. The company would then be able to argue that its activity negated EPA’s ability to propose the SNUR because that use would then be ongoing.
While EPA can try to promulgate a SNUR as a direct final rule, if anyone files, or notifies EPA of their intent to file, an adverse comment, EPA must withdraw the rule and propose it for public comment.
Once a SNUR is final, it can be judicially challenged, with any final resolution significantly delayed and subject to significant uncertainty.
While some EPA staff have informally suggested they will seek to finalize a SNUR before making a “not likely” finding that allows the PMN submitter to commence manufacture, EPA has not made any public commitment to this approach nor identified any means to ensure this will happen. Nor has it addressed the scenario of what happens in the event of an adverse comment being filing on a direct final SNUR or a judicial challenge to the final SNUR.
In contrast to the SNUR-only approach, a consent order includes provisions that bind the PMN submitter, and indirectly its downstream users, to the conditions of the order throughout the interval until a SNUR is promulgated.
While, under an informal agreement with EPA, OIRA does not currently call in SNURs for regulatory review, that agreement could be changed at any point. OIRA has considerable discretion to determine what constitutes a significant regulatory action and is subject to an OIRA-managed interagency review.
The extent to which Trump’s regulatory executive orders apply to SNURs is highly uncertain. Certain aspects apply to all rules, and the EOs give OIRA considerable discretion in deciding which provisions apply to which rules.
Administrator Pruitt has included SNURs among the potential regulatory actions at EPA that must be logged into his new EPA regulatory database upon initiation, signaling that SNURs may be subject to greater scrutiny under this Administration.
Finally, the anti-regulatory climate that prevails at present will likely mean that all new proposals to promulgate rules will be closely scrutinized.
Incentives and disincentives under a consent order vs. a SNUR
Companies have long complained that SNURs “stigmatize” their chemicals, which would also add incentives for the PMN submitter to resist promulgation of a SNUR. The company would have a number of means by which it could seek to prevent, delay or weaken the SNUR, including:
-preventing its issuance as a direct final rule by notifying EPA of its intent to file adverse comments;
-filing adverse comments;
-seeking to have OIRA subject the SNUR to interagency review;
-using its political influence with EPA management, the White House and Congress; and
-challenging the SNUR in court.
In contrast, a PMN submitter subject to a consent order would have significant incentive to support EPA’s promulgation of an accompanying SNUR, in order to “level the playing field” with its competitors who are not subject to the order.
Only through such a SNUR would its competitors likely be held to most of the same conditions that the submitter is already subject to through the consent order.
The Lautenberg Act contemplates that such SNURs would likely be promulgated, by requiring EPA, within 90 days of issuance of an order, to either initiate development of the SNUR or publish a statement indicating why one is not necessary [see TSCA section 5(f)(4)].
In conclusion, I hope this post makes abundantly clear how different the SNUR-only approach EPA is now proposing differs dramatically from and provides far less risk protection than would result from it simply doing what the law requires: using orders, with SNURs as backup.
Read moreYour local natural health food store could never get away with stocking its shelves with Monsanto’s Roundup weedkiller. Toxins that cause cancer and birth defects don’t belong in “health” food stores.
So how do some of these stores get away with stocking Ben & Jerry’s ice cream, when our testing revealed that ten of 11 flavors contain glyphosate, the active ingredient in Roundup?
This week, we called 290 of the best natural health food stores and co-ops nationwide to find out which ones sell Ben & Jerry’s.
We’re relieved to report that most—198—don’t. But unfortunately, 92 (31 percent) do. Here’s the list of natural health food stores and co-ops that sell glyphosate-contaminated Ben & Jerry’s. If your store is on this list please take this letter to the store manager and ask him or her to stop selling Ben & Jerry’s. After your visit, fill out this form to let us know what happened.
Most of the stores that sell Ben & Jerry’s display it right next to the organic brands they sell—a move that misleads consumers into thinking Ben & Jerry’s ice cream is organic, too.
On October 27th, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit granted the Truck Trailer[…]
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